Wednesday, 4 September 2013

ME AND MY MIND

Hi! My name is Abdirachid and you will find that I'm one of a kind.I know that I'm imperfect and that God is divine.Me and my mind.

Ever since I was a little boy,a pencil has

become my favorite toy.

And reading and writing is my pride and joy.             

                                                                                   

Me and my mind.

I admit I am austictic

And have moments I go ballistic.

Yet I remain optimistic.

Me and my mind.

Some people think I'm mad as a hatter

Every time I hate what I hear And they say "What 's the matter?"

I tell them"I don't like your chatter!"

Me and my mind.

God,you know I hate profanity

I drives me to insanity.

Oh,for the love of humanity!

Me and my mind.

Some people tease me and life get tough.

I,myself,am a diamond in the rough.

I deserve a chance to strut my stuff.

Me and my mind.

My memory is strong and well rehearsed

To know any subject and any verse.

It's a blessing and a curse.

Me and my mind.

There are moments in my life to love or to fight.

I'm smart,sensitive,creative,and polite.

And have the ability to know what is wrong and what is right.

Me and my mind.

No matter what's in my mind or DNA,

Here are the words I'll begin to pray:

"ALLAH made me special in every way."

Me and my mind.

British Banks’ Comedy of Terrors

The devil is always in the details. And the greatest devils of our economic age lurk in the details of how officials regard the capital – the equity funding – of our largest banks. Government officials have identified far too closely with the distorted, self-interested worldview of global banking executives. The result is great peril for the rest of us.

In this surreal world, the United Kingdom takes on disproportionate influence, because London is still a top financial center – and because the biggest banks in the United States and Europe have proved very effective at playing off American and British regulators against one another. Opinion leaders around the world look to the British for a clever and nuanced approach to financial-sector policy. Unfortunately, they currently look in vain.

To understand the precise problem, you must dip into the latest details of the Prudential Regulatory Authority’s “capital shortfall exercise” with eight major UK banks. I won’t pretend that the PRA’s work is easy reading for a layperson; but anyone who spends a little time with the documents will first laugh and then cry.

With great fanfare (and generally favorable press coverage), the PRA announced that some banks do not have enough loss-absorbing capital – relative to target levels of equity that are ludicrously low. The Bank of England’s Financial Policy Committee (FPC) said that the target should be 7% of risk-weighted assets under Basel III definitions. And, in the PRA’s presentation, this amounts to a leverage ratio of around 3% for most of these banks (again using Basel III definitions), though a couple of banks will need an additional adjustment to reach that level.

In plain English, a supposedly well-capitalized bank in the UK can have 97 cents of debt per one dollar of assets (and just three cents of equity). Such a low loss-absorption capacity would get you run out of town in the US, where regulators are weighing a 5-6% leverage ratio (twice as much equity on a non-risk-weighted basis), and some responsible officials are still pushing for 10% or higher.

So much for the laughs. The tragedy in the PRA’s exercise is British officials’ apparent belief that they are carrying out real reform, rather than setting the stage for serious trouble. To be fair, some of what the PRA did makes sense – including adjusting risk weights and taking into consideration losses from “future conduct costs” (translation: penalties for breaking the law will be substantial). And the treatment of investments by banks in insurance companies is sensible relative to the alternatives.

But the potential for more tears for taxpayers – still reeling from the cost of rescuing the Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) – looms large. The invitation to banks to game the risk-weighting system further is stated plainly: “In line with the FPC recommendation, the PRA has accepted restructuring actions which, by reducing risk-weighted assets, will credibly deliver improvements in capital adequacy.” In other words, the banks can change how they calculate risk – for example, by tweaking their own models – in ways that will make them look better as far as regulators are concerned.

The British authorities believe that they are building a resilient global financial center that is capable of assuming big risks and withstanding large shocks – either home-grown or transmitted from abroad (that is, from the eurozone). But even HSBC, the best capitalized of the lot, has a leverage ratio of only 4.6%, while Barclays’ ratio is under 3%. In a deeply unstable world, these are paper-thin cushions against losses.

The margin for macroeconomic, prudential, and operating error is similarly small. The British – and the rest of us – have made many such errors in the last decade. At risk is everyone who has a job in the UK, as well as all financial institutions that have significant operations there – including a huge proportion of all global banks.

The idea that the British set any kind of standard for bank conduct was exploded by last year’s Libor scandal, while the fiasco at RBS destroyed the notion that UK officials know how to handle a failing bank. And now the PRA has confirmed that the British authorities do not even have a firm grip on the basics of regulating capital – that is, determining how much equity is safe for large complex global financial institutions.

British officials – and those elsewhere – should take a day off and read Anat Admati and Martin Hellwig’s book, The Bankers’ New Clothes: What’s Wrong with Banking and What to Do About It, an inspired “how to” guide for thinking about why we need more equity in our financial system. Then they should come back to work and do their job properly, by phasing in much higher capital requirements in a responsible manner.


Simon Johnson is a professor at MIT’s Sloan School of Management and the co-author of White House Burning: The Founding Fathers, Our National Debt, And Why It Matters To You.

WAITING...

Every minute, every hour, every day..I will stay...  Right here patiently waiting.. keeping my mind busy, as to not always think of you... with this love so beautiful; so true...optimistically waiting...staying steady, trying to be strong--with a love so deep; never should be wrong...strongly and boldly waiting...smiling during the day, but crying alone..never straying but a few feet from the phone...wishing, wanting, hoping, waiting..for you..to just..simply..come..home.

I am from.

I am from Mogadishu, known locally as Xamar, the largest city in Somalia and the nation's capital. 

I am from my dad and granddad because my dad has anger management

And because my grandparents didn't want children,

And when I was born I was real sensitive on the inside

My granddad is successful with a sense of humor

And so does my Dad at certain times.

I am from lions because I am mostly serious.

I am from part fire and part sun because I get very angry

And I feel like I want to fight someone (but I won't)

And I get very happy when I feel good about something. 

British Banks’ Comedy of Terrors

The devil is always in the details. And the greatest devils of our economic age lurk in the details of how officials regard the capital – the equity funding – of our largest banks. Government officials have identified far too closely with the distorted, self-interested worldview of global banking executives. The result is great peril for the rest of us.

In this surreal world, the United Kingdom takes on disproportionate influence, because London is still a top financial center – and because the biggest banks in the United States and Europe have proved very effective at playing off American and British regulators against one another. Opinion leaders around the world look to the British for a clever and nuanced approach to financial-sector policy. Unfortunately, they currently look in vain.

To understand the precise problem, you must dip into the latest details of the Prudential Regulatory Authority’s “capital shortfall exercise” with eight major UK banks. I won’t pretend that the PRA’s work is easy reading for a layperson; but anyone who spends a little time with the documents will first laugh and then cry.

With great fanfare (and generally favorable press coverage), the PRA announced that some banks do not have enough loss-absorbing capital – relative to target levels of equity that are ludicrously low. The Bank of England’s Financial Policy Committee (FPC) said that the target should be 7% of risk-weighted assets under Basel III definitions. And, in the PRA’s presentation, this amounts to a leverage ratio of around 3% for most of these banks (again using Basel III definitions), though a couple of banks will need an additional adjustment to reach that level.

In plain English, a supposedly well-capitalized bank in the UK can have 97 cents of debt per one dollar of assets (and just three cents of equity). Such a low loss-absorption capacity would get you run out of town in the US, where regulators are weighing a 5-6% leverage ratio (twice as much equity on a non-risk-weighted basis), and some responsible officials are still pushing for 10% or higher.

So much for the laughs. The tragedy in the PRA’s exercise is British officials’ apparent belief that they are carrying out real reform, rather than setting the stage for serious trouble. To be fair, some of what the PRA did makes sense – including adjusting risk weights and taking into consideration losses from “future conduct costs” (translation: penalties for breaking the law will be substantial). And the treatment of investments by banks in insurance companies is sensible relative to the alternatives.

But the potential for more tears for taxpayers – still reeling from the cost of rescuing the Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) – looms large. The invitation to banks to game the risk-weighting system further is stated plainly: “In line with the FPC recommendation, the PRA has accepted restructuring actions which, by reducing risk-weighted assets, will credibly deliver improvements in capital adequacy.” In other words, the banks can change how they calculate risk – for example, by tweaking their own models – in ways that will make them look better as far as regulators are concerned.

The British authorities believe that they are building a resilient global financial center that is capable of assuming big risks and withstanding large shocks – either home-grown or transmitted from abroad (that is, from the eurozone). But even HSBC, the best capitalized of the lot, has a leverage ratio of only 4.6%, while Barclays’ ratio is under 3%. In a deeply unstable world, these are paper-thin cushions against losses.

The margin for macroeconomic, prudential, and operating error is similarly small. The British – and the rest of us – have made many such errors in the last decade. At risk is everyone who has a job in the UK, as well as all financial institutions that have significant operations there – including a huge proportion of all global banks.

The idea that the British set any kind of standard for bank conduct was exploded by last year’s Libor scandal, while the fiasco at RBS destroyed the notion that UK officials know how to handle a failing bank. And now the PRA has confirmed that the British authorities do not even have a firm grip on the basics of regulating capital – that is, determining how much equity is safe for large complex global financial institutions.

British officials – and those elsewhere – should take a day off and read Anat Admati and Martin Hellwig’s book, The Bankers’ New Clothes: What’s Wrong with Banking and What to Do About It, an inspired “how to” guide for thinking about why we need more equity in our financial system. Then they should come back to work and do their job properly, by phasing in much higher capital requirements in a responsible manner.


Simon Johnson is a professor at MIT’s Sloan School of Management and the co-author of White House Burning: The Founding Fathers, Our National Debt, And Why It Matters To You.

Nicholas Kay speech at the Vision 2016 National Conference

03/09/2013  Your Excellency, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud,

Your Excellency, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister


Honorable members of Parliament

Excellencies, diplomatic corps 

Ministers, Ministers of State and former Ministers

Mayor of Mogadishu

Colleagues, ladies and gentlemen


Mareeg.com-I am delighted to be invited to speak at the opening of this very important conference. As a recently arrived guest in your country, this is an opportunity to thank you for the hospitality you have extended to me and to the whole United Nations. I believe one of the duties of a good guest is to listen and learn. I have tried to do that in my first three months and look forward to doing that today as well. The entire international community has given the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) a very clear and strong mandate, which is particularly relevant to today’s conference. Two tasks in particular in UNSCR 2102 are:

First to use the UN’s “good offices” functions to support the Federal Government’s peace and reconciliation process;

Second is to support the Federal Government by providing strategic policy advice including on the development of a federal system, the constitutional review process, and subsequent referendum on the constitution, and preparations for elections in 2016.

I very much appreciate the initiative of the Federal Government of Somalia in organizing this impressive gathering, and also at very short notice.

A political process in Somalia that is broad and inclusive, that aims to review and complete the constitutional process, and prepare for credible, free and fair elections in 2016 has the full support of the United Nations. I see this Conference as an important initiative to take us down a critical but essential path. A path towards genuine democracy.

The United Nations supports the objectives of this conference, including developing a vision, and hopefully concrete ideas, to move Somalia towards that democratic objective by 2016.

As I am still in the very early days of my mission, I would like to share with you three principles that are guiding my work:

First and foremost is the principle of Somali ownership and leadership. One year ago the country reached a turning point with the election of a representative and fully legitimate federal Parliament, Speaker and President. This time last year the paradigm shifted. One year later the shift is being given concrete form in the New Deal compact shortly to be presented to a conference in Brussels: containing Somali owned; Somali led peace and state building objectives.

My second principle is that you are not and should not be alone. The international community has had a mixed history in Somalia since your country fell apart in 1991. We have tried hard but with mixed results. Sometimes we have seemed to walk away. But for the last two years that has not been the case. Conferences in London, Istanbul, New York, Rome and Japan have demonstrated strong and united international commitment to Somalia. The presence and sacrifices of AMISOM show this commitment – at great cost in lives and money. Together we have tackled piracy and alleviated famine. The UN has helped politically - and I pay tribute to the great role played by my predecessor Ambassador Mahiga. The UN has also persevered with humanitarian and development work. Today 760,000 Somali children attend UNICEF sponsored schools (half of them girls). 1.4 million have been asisited ibn the first half of 2013 by WFP. 4 million have been vaccinated against polio – although possibly 600,000 children remain unvaccinated, many in Al Shabaab controlled areas. So my message to you is that UNSOM is with you and present in a way that it has not been before: in Mogadishu, Garowe, Hargeisa and shortly in Baidoa, Kismayo and Beledtweyne. UNSOM is based in Somalia. I have no house in Nairobi. You are not alone. We are here to help and we are here to stay as long as we’re needed.

My third guiding principle is that we face essentially a political problem that needs a political solution. Yes, you face many challenges in the development, economic, security, governance and human rights sectors but the over-riding challenge is political. The heart of the political challenge appears to me to be quite simple to describe, even if rather difficult to solve. After 22 years of conflict, power and control of resources and revenue have fragmented. The strong centralist state has ceased to exist. Different regions and different people now hold different bits of power. That’s why you have decided a federal model is the only system that will work in this new reality. The task now is to agree among yourselves exactly how Federalism will work in practice. How will you share power, revenue, resources and responsibilities in a way that benefits all Somalia. These are difficult issues. But ones which need political solutions.

Finally, this is also why I am optimistic. In my brief acquaintance with Somalia I am struck by how Somalis have all the skills to solve complex political problems:

-        a love of talking and debate; a love of words shown in poetry and politics;

-        a strong sense of justice and fairness that puts emphasis on reconciliation and mutual respect;

-        Great abilities and dedication with hugely inspiring examples in government and civil society of bravery and commitment, including from many young diaspora and especially women returning to “do their bit”.

-        And last but not least, I am encouraged by the growing sense of urgency. To review the constitution, hold a referendum and then elections by 2016 is a mighty hill to climb. A year of quite slow progress has passed, but now I detect a real increase in the pace – Parliament worked unselfishly throughout Ramadan. Some of the key laws are drafted and commissions established, but more need to be. The Juba issue has at last been addressed. I congratulate warmly the parties on the political agreement reached in Addis last week. The New deal compact is nearly ready and consultations have happened in Baidoa, Garowe, and here. But more need to happen.

And now today, this conference has started. I hope it will be the first of many. You have a huge agenda to cover. After several days you may decide that each of the five themes requires itself a separate conference. If so, the UN will be happy to support you and perhaps you will choose to hold follow up thematic conferences in each of the major cities of Somalia. The discussions must not end here. Women’s voices must especially be heard.

Today is a landmark in the political process, but just one milestone in the long road to 2016. I look forward to being your travelling companion.

As the Federal Government, through this process, moves Somalia towards a genuine transition to democracy, the United Nations stands ready to support it in all aspects. In particular we will see how we can support the priority areas as the discussions broadens and national consensus is built around them. We will in any case, spare no effort in supporting the Government and the Federal Institutions in realizing the broad objectives of this conference.

I thank you for your kind attention. I would like to congratulate the President for organizing this conference. I wish you all the best for this important event and know you will engage in a spirit of compromise, mutual respect and inclusivity.

I thank you

 


President Hassan: the IC has not yet fulfilled what they promised us

Mogadishu (Mareeg.com)- speaking at yesterdays grand national conference held in Mogadishu, the president of the federal republic of Somalia Mr. Hassan Sheikh said that the international community did not fulfill promises they pledged to support his government.

Mr. Mohamud added that lack of funds catalyzed the government outreach to various parts of the country.

“The government cannot perform key responsibilities to its citizens because the international community has not fulfilled promises they made except Turkey” said Hassan who read a long lecture in front of attendants.

The president also added that it was a hard task to hold a democratic general election by the end of his term which will end in 2016.

A five day national meeting kick started in Mogadishu yesterday which was attended by politicians, intellectuals and traditional elders from various parts of the country.